Experience turned into writing

Historical context and questions to explore

1980. After 31 years of service, just as the archives of the state’s first years are beginning to open, Gazit changes rooms: from the rooms where decisions were made to the library.

He wrote books and articles in English and Hebrew on the peace process, ’s policy, mediation in the conflict, and historical debates over 1948 and 1971.

Why it mattered. Few people both made history and wrote it from the documents. His books and articles are the testimony of an insider who takes care to check himself, and the questions he asked, about 1948 and the years before 1973, still occupy historians.

A question to think about

How does a witness become research others can check, without giving up what only he saw?

Why it was hard. Someone who was in the room knows things that are not in the documents, but also carries memory and views. His writing deliberately rests on documents.

Gazit returned to negotiations in which he had taken part and examined them as a historian. The notes below introduce the books’ questions and evidence, and, where available, responses from other historians.

His own involvement matters when reading him. He knew the people and the negotiations, and he also defended decisions that other historians criticised. The book summaries retain that distinction and link to both his writing and the debate around it.

Buy or read: his three books, and where to get them

A research fellow at the Truman Institute

Gazit was a research fellow at the Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace. The Golda Meir Institute’s 1987 interview catalogue identifies him as a researcher at Truman.Golda collection

Based at the Hebrew University, the institute studies the Middle East and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, combining academic research with dialogue among scholars and public figures. This gives context to Gazit’s move from diplomatic service to examining the history and practice of peacemaking.

The institute’s Bogen Library lists Gazit’s personal archive among its collections. Its page provides a starting point for enquiries about additional material and access.Book or article

The Hebrew University library catalogue now lists the “Mordechai Gazit Archive” in detail: correspondence and papers from his years in government and the Foreign Ministry and from his academic work. Among its series are the 1975 interim agreement, testimonies on the battles of 1948, his speeches as ambassador in France, and 1998 interviews for the Yitzhak Rabin commemoration project. The archive can be consulted at the library.

Two letters from the archive, which he wrote to his parents in 1948, are shown on this site in full, with the scanned pages: 10 April, after Qastal, and 19 June, from hospital.

Highlights from the archive

Browse the Archive for Middle Eastern Studies and Israel Studies ↗
To request access, cite the call number GAZ P6-1 and the archive record 9920982778503701.

The Peace Process, 1969‎–‎1973: the question he set himself

Historical context and questions to explore

After the Yom Kippur War, while the grief was still fresh, a hard question was asked: had Golda Meir’s government missed a chance for peace with Egypt in 1969‎–‎1973, one that might have prevented the war? A man who had been in the rooms decided to answer it from the documents.

In those years many initiatives arose: the Rogers plans, named after the American Secretary of State, the UN’s mission, the idea of a Suez Canal arrangement, and the mission of , ’s adviser. None came to fruition.

Why it mattered. This is one of the most painful questions in Israel’s history: could the Yom Kippur War and its more than 2,600 dead have been prevented? Gazit, who had been in the rooms, wrote a whole book to answer it from the documents. His conclusion — that no opportunity was missed — is disputed to this day, and is part of the great debate over Golda Meir and the war.

A question to think about

Was a chance for peace missed? And how do you answer without the wisdom of hindsight?

Why it was hard. Many of the documents were still classified, and the question stirred strong feelings because of the war’s cost. Scholars and public figures reached opposite conclusions.

Gazit prepared this study in 1982, as a fellow at the Harry S. Truman Institute for the Advancement of Peace and the Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations at the Hebrew University. It appeared in English in 1983, and in Hebrew in 1984 through Yad Tabenkin, with help from the Golda Meir Cultural Centre at Revivim. The Hebrew edition can now be read as an e-book, and its opening chapter is open to all.

The book asks one question: did Golda Meir’s government pursue a sound policy for advancing peace between 1969 and 1973? His method was to analyse every proposal raised during her two terms, and how Israel, Egypt and the United States responded to each. He noted why the question is asked of her years far more than of the Eshkol years before them: the assumption that the seeds of the Yom Kippur War were sown then; the view that while Nasser lived the chances of dialogue with Egypt were nil; and Eshkol’s image as a peace-seeker, against the image of Meir as inflexible.

His argument is clear and pointed. He wrote that Israel did not misread Egypt’s positions: in return for a hundred-per-cent withdrawal it could have obtained a “modus vivendi”, but the consensus of the major parties would not settle for that. It was right, he conceded, that clinging to Israel’s positions prevented a settlement before 1973 — but in his words, “what was missed was not a peace treaty, but a vague and hazy arrangement”, on the model of the 1957 Sinai arrangement, whose unreliability was proven in 1967. He also rejected Sadat’s later account that in the last year of his life Nasser had decided to make peace, pointing to the missile move of August 1970.

The critics, he argued, overlook that Meir’s government took several decisions that should have improved the chances of peace — first among them accepting the Rogers initiative in July 1970, at the price of breaking up the national unity government — and his book examines why they bore no fruit. It is his reading within a debate that continues: other scholars, such as Uri Bar-Joseph, argue that Sadat’s initiative of February 1973 was a real opportunity that was turned down. The chapter on the Jarring mission connects directly to the file he himself handled.

The chapters of the book
  1. Introduction
  2. A peace treaty and defensible borders
  3. Securing a regular supply of arms from the United States
  4. The deep-penetration bombing of Egypt
  5. The Dr Goldmann affair
  6. The second Rogers initiative, summer 1970
  7. The Jarring mission, 1970‎–‎1971
  8. The efforts for an arrangement to open the Suez Canal
  9. The Hafez Ismail mission
  10. The Palestinian–Jordanian question
  11. Summary and conclusions

Read the opening chapter on Psik ↗

Back to the documents: a debate over 1948

Historical context and questions to explore

At the end of the War of Independence the West Bank and East Jerusalem remained in Jordan’s hands. Forty years later, as the documents opened, historians argued fiercely: had Israel given them up willingly, perhaps even in a secret agreement between Ben-Gurion and King Abdallah?

Some scholars argued that and had reached a secret agreement or a quiet understanding that Israel would not enter territory Jordan controlled. Others stressed demographic, political and military considerations.

Why it mattered. Why Israel did not take the West Bank in 1948 is a question about the state’s borders and Ben-Gurion’s fateful decisions. Gazit joined the historians’ debate to test a claim that had become almost a myth, and went back to the documents themselves.

A question to think about

How do you judge a 1948 decision by what was known and feared then, not by what seems obvious today?

Why it was hard. Secret contacts with Abdallah did take place, which makes it hard to distinguish a partnership of interests from a binding commitment. The answer depends on a careful reading of the documents.

In February 1989, in Maarachot 314, Gazit joined a historians’ debate: why did Israel not try to take the West Bank at the end of the War of Independence? Scholars had argued that the restraint stemmed from a secret agreement — or at least a binding understanding — between Ben-Gurion and King Abdallah. Gazit disputed this. Among the hundreds of Israeli, British and American documents of the period, he wrote, not one confirmed such an agreement.

In its place he proposed a combination of considerations: the top priority given to the Negev, heavy American pressure, the fear of British intervention under Britain’s defence treaty with Jordan, and the coming struggle over Israel’s borders. He also rejected the argument that demographic concern decided the matter, pointing out that Ben-Gurion had tried to take the Gaza Strip, with its population, in 1948, and in April 1949 told a senior American envoy that if Egypt did not want Gaza because of its refugees, Israel would accept it and let those refugees return to their homes.

He acknowledged a certain partnership of interests between Israel and Jordan, but drew a sharp line: “a partnership of interests does not yet amount to a de facto agreement, let alone a de jure one”. That distinction — precision about what political concepts mean, and a close reading of the options open to decision-makers — runs through his work as a historian. It is his argument within a scholarly debate, not a verdict that settled it.

The article builds on his own earlier research: a 1987 study in Ha-Tziyonut of the fate of Ben-Gurion’s 1949 proposal to include the Gaza Strip, with all its population, within Israel; and an earlier Maarachot article on Operation Horev. The American telegram he cites — Ethridge’s report of his meeting with Ben-Gurion in Tiberias on 18 April 1949 — is available in full in the FRUS series.

Exchanging knowledge, even in disagreement

Historical context and questions to explore

The 1980s. Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians live in the West Bank under Israeli rule, many of them Jordanian citizens, and the question of their status is at the centre of the debate. This correspondence ran between two men on opposite sides of that question.

was a Palestinian lawyer from Ramallah. Gazit, then a researcher at the Truman Institute, corresponded with him in 1982 on a legal question arising in his research.

Why it mattered. A correspondence between a former Israeli diplomat and a Palestinian lawyer from Ramallah, in the 1980s, before the intifada and before Oslo, is a rare moment. It shows that even people on opposite sides of the conflict could conduct a serious argument, letter by letter.

A question to think about

How do you argue with a colleague over a history you both lived, and keep respecting each other?

Why it was hard. The two stood on opposite sides of the conflict and held different views. The correspondence showed not agreement but a willingness to examine arguments on their merits.

The University of Exeter’s archive holds two letters: one from Gazit to the Palestinian lawyer Aziz Shehadeh, and Shehadeh’s reply. Gazit wrote on Truman Institute letterhead and shared research material about Jordanian citizenship. The reply offered a legal analysis that challenged the argument under examination.

This correspondence shows the work behind the writing: questions, exchanges of material and detailed answers.

Getting to know Jewish life across the ocean

Historical context and questions to explore

American Jewry is the largest Jewish community in the world outside Israel. In the 1980s Israelis came to understand that it could not be known only as a source of support; they needed to know the life itself: the young leaders, the writers and the schools.

Public institutions built education and leadership programmes to connect the communities. After his years of service, Gazit worked on such programmes with the Institute on American Jewish–Israeli Relations.

Why it mattered. American Jewry is one of Israel’s pillars, politically and economically, but the bond between the two communities cannot be taken for granted. After his years of service, including five in Washington where he came to know American Jewry closely, Gazit worked on building real acquaintance between Israelis and the communities across the ocean.

A question to think about

How do you connect the two great centres of the Jewish people, when each sees the other differently?

Why it was hard. Most Israelis knew little about Jewish community life in the United States. Bringing the subject into education required cooperation with the Education Ministry, and funding.

A report by Gazit for the Institute on American Jewish–Israeli Relations reveals another strand of work after government service: preparations for a young leadership program, hopes of including writers and poets, and developing teaching about American Jewry in Israeli schools.

The report distinguishes preliminary research from cooperation still to be developed with the Education Ministry. It also considers educational television programs and their high costs.

Read the original report — PDF page 129

English · archive PDF, about 30 MB. If the file opens at the beginning, enter 129 in the PDF page selector.

Sources and reading notes (1)

His books (3)

Three books of his own, from the first studies of 1983 to the book that sums up the whole road, in 2002. Each one with what it is about and where to get it.

2002The book that sums it all up

Israeli Diplomacy and the Quest for Peace

Israeli diplomacy and the pursuit of peace

The question
What did a veteran diplomat learn about negotiation, mediation and the Foreign Ministry, from Britain to Egypt and Jordan?

The book examines mediation through Bernadotte’s mission, talks with King Abdullah, Nahum Goldmann’s initiative, and the Hussein–Peres London agreement. Other chapters address Ben-Gurion’s Gaza policies, American arms procurement, Dimona, and the Foreign Ministry’s role, connecting diplomatic episodes with the institutions and relationships behind them.Book or article

In print: new, in paperback and digital

Get it:PurchaseBuy from the publisher · Routledge ↗PurchaseDigital edition · Amazon Kindle ↗PreviewLimited preview · Google Books ↗

Who it is for, and all the editions
Who it suits
The general reader. The book that sums up his research, available today from Routledge.

Find this work

Frank Cass, first edition 2002; now marketed by Routledge. Paperback ISBN: 9781138973435.

Print and digital edition listings were found. Prices, purchase eligibility and preview access are set by the providers and may vary by country.

1983

The Peace Process, 1969‎–‎1973: Efforts and Contacts

The peace process: efforts and contacts

The question
Was an opportunity for peace with Egypt missed in 1969‎–‎1973, one that might have prevented the Yom Kippur War?

Gazit challenges the claim that an achievable peace with Egypt was missed before the Yom Kippur War. The Hebrew edition’s contents cover the Rogers initiative, Jarring’s diplomacy, reopening the Suez Canal, Hafez Ismail’s mission, American weapons supplies, and the Palestinian–Jordanian question.

The Hebrew edition (1984) is available as an e-book. The English edition is out of print; second-hand copies exist

Get it:PurchaseBuy the Hebrew e-book; first chapter free · Psik ↗Second-handUsed copies of the English edition · AbeBooks ↗PublisherHebrew edition · Publisher ↗

Who it is for, and all the editions
Who it suits
Anyone who wants to understand the road to the Yom Kippur War from the inside. A research book, also available in Hebrew as an e-book.

Find this work

English: Magnes Press, 1983, 155 pp. Hebrew: “The Peace Process (1969‎–‎1973)”, “Red Line” series, Yad Tabenkin and Hakibbutz Hameuchad, 1984.

The Hebrew book can be read on Kotar or bought as an e-book on Psik. The original English edition is available today as a used copy.

The publisher listed this edition as out of stock when checked.

1983

President Kennedy’s Policy toward the Arab States and Israel

President Kennedy’s policy towards the Arab states and Israel

The question
How did President Kennedy change US policy toward Israel and the Arab states, and what does it tell us about the beginnings of the alliance?

This study combines analysis and documents on Kennedy’s policies toward Arab states and Israel during 1961‎–‎1963. The partial contents identify a separate treatment of policy toward Israel, placing the bilateral relationship within a wider regional frame.Book or article

Out of print: second-hand copies, and in libraries

Where to find it:Second-handUsed copies · AbeBooks ↗Research instituteOrder enquiries · Moshe Dayan Center ↗CatalogueLibrary holdings · CiNii ↗

Who it is for, and all the editions
Who it suits
Readers of American and Middle Eastern history. Includes documents, written by someone who was at the Washington embassy at the time.

Find this work

Shiloah Center, Tel Aviv University, 1983. English; 133 pp. ISBN 9652240036.

The Moshe Dayan Center included the book in a 2025 sale list. Contact the center to check whether it can still be ordered; the advertised sale has ended.

All his books and articles can also be borrowed or consulted in libraries: National Library of Israel ↗ · WorldCat ↗

Articles, essays and lectures (10)

Read in order, they trace a biography of thought: who really shapes Israel’s foreign policy, the roots of the alliance with the United States, the years before 1973, and back to 1948 and to what was possible with Jordan and in Gaza. Beside each work is the question it asks.

1981

The Role of the Foreign Ministry

The role of the Foreign Ministry

The question
Who really shapes Israel’s foreign policy, and where does the Foreign Ministry stand beside the prime minister and the defence establishment?

Get it:The publication’s page ↗

About the work, and how to get it

The Jerusalem Quarterly, no. 18, 1981, pp. 3–14. Written just after 31 years of service, on the Foreign Ministry’s place in Israel’s foreign-policy decisions. Cited in later research on Israel’s foreign policy.Book or article

Who it suits
Anyone curious about how policy decisions are made in Israel. A short article, 12 pages.
1982

America and Israel

An essay on the special relationship

The question
How far can Israel lean on the United States, and where are the limits of the “special relationship”?

Get it:The publication’s page ↗

About the work, and how to get it

Partisan Review, vol. 49, no. 3, 1982. An analysis of the special relationship with the United States, its benefits and the limits of relying on an ally. A version later appeared in his 2002 book under the title “A special relationship not always special”. This is his interpretation, not a neutral account of the disputes.Book or article

Who it suits
Readers interested in US–Israel relations. An article; a version appears in his 2002 book.
1985

Moves and Contacts Against an Impenetrable Wall

Paper from a seminar on Golda Meir’s governments and the peace process; translated title

The question
Why did the diplomatic contacts of Golda Meir’s years keep hitting a wall?

Get it:ReadRead at the Golda Meir Institute (PDF) ↗

A short guide to reading the paper
About the work, and how to get it

Gazit defends the Meir governments against accusations of missed peace opportunities, emphasizing obstacles in Arab positions and international mediation. He allows for a possible American missed opportunity in the Ismail channel. This retrospective argument does not detail his own diplomatic missions.

Who it suits
Hebrew readers. A short essay, scanned and open to read.

Find this work

Seminar, 22 July 1985. Hebrew scan, pp. 21–36 plus cover.

The full document is open to read on the Golda Meir Institute’s website.

1986

ממשלת המערך ותהליך השלום — חוברת סא

The Alignment Government and the Peace Process — two contributions

The question
Did the Labour government miss a chance for peace? A public debate, including with Yossi Beilin.

Get it:ReadContents and reading options · Kotar ↗

About the work, and how to get it

This booklet records a Yad Tabenkin discussion about whether Alignment governments missed opportunities for peace. Gazit argues against that interpretation and replies to Yossi Beilin, who takes the opposing position. Contributions by Simcha Dinitz, Israel Beitman, and Moshe Carmel place their exchange within a wider debate.Book or article

Who it suits
Anyone who wants to hear the debate itself, from both sides, not just its conclusions.

Find this work

Booklet 61, 1986; in Hebrew. Includes two contributions by Mordechai Gazit.

The contents and reading options are on Kotar.

1987

The Vicissitudes of Ben-Gurion’s 1949 Proposal to Include the Gaza Strip, with All Its Population, within Israel

A study of a 1949 political proposal

The question
Why did Ben-Gurion propose in 1949 to include the Gaza Strip, with all its inhabitants, within Israel, and why did the proposal fail?

Get it:The publication’s page ↗

About the work, and how to get it

Ha-Tziyonut, vol. 12, 1987 (Hebrew). A study of the proposal Ben-Gurion raised in 1949, and of the diplomatic move that lasted months and failed because of Egypt’s opposition.Book or article

Who it suits
Readers interested in the state’s first years and in the question of Gaza, which never left the agenda.
1988

The Israel–Jordan Peace Negotiations (1949‎–‎1951): King Abdallah’s Lonely Effort

The Israel–Jordan peace negotiations, 1949‎–‎1951

The question
Could peace with Jordan have been reached as early as 1949‎–‎1951, and what was left of the effort after King Abdallah’s assassination?

Get it:The publication’s page ↗

About the work, and how to get it

Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 23, no. 3, 1988, pp. 409–424. A return to the years when his own service began, and to the contacts with King Abdallah until his assassination in 1951. The article is still cited in research on Israel–Jordan relations.Book or article

Who it suits
English readers interested in Israel–Jordan relations. A short academic article, still cited today.
1989

On the Myth of the Deal, the Understanding and the Agreement between Ben-Gurion and Abdallah

A historical debate about 1948

The question
Was there a secret agreement between Ben-Gurion and Abdallah, as historians claimed?

Get it:The publication’s page ↗

About the work, and how to get it

Maarachot 314, February 1989 (Hebrew). A short, pointed article disputing the claim of a secret agreement between Ben-Gurion and Abdallah, and proposing a combination of political and military considerations instead. See “Back to the documents” on this page.

Who it suits
Anyone interested in the debate over 1948. A short, sharp article.
1993

עושי שלום — תיווך בסכסוך הישראלי־ערבי

Peacemakers — Mediation in the Israeli–Arab Conflict: an essay on mediation

The question
What makes a mediator succeed, and what can fifty years of mediation in the conflict teach?

Get it:CatalogueFind the volume · National Library of Israel ↗

About the work, and how to get it

Gazit’s essay examines mediation in the Arab–Israeli conflict within a collection drawing lessons from fifty years of negotiation. It appears alongside work by Kenneth Stein and Samuel Lewis, with Sheryl Brown’s participation. The catalogue identifies this shared setting.Book or article

Who it suits
Readers interested in negotiation and mediation, beyond the Middle East too.

Find this work

In Negotiation and Mediation in the Middle East: Lessons from Fifty Years, Moshe Dayan Center, 1993. Hebrew.

Gazit’s essay in a volume published by the Moshe Dayan Center, alongside other scholars and practitioners.

1997

Egypt and Israel — Was There a Peace Opportunity Missed in 1971?

Was an opportunity for peace missed in 1971?

The question
Was Sadat’s 1971 initiative a chance for peace that Israel missed?

Get it:ReadArticle and access options · SAGE ↗

About the work, and how to get it

The article asks whether Israel and Egypt had a genuine opportunity for peace in 1971. Its public notes engage Sadat’s speeches, Jarring’s mission, proposals concerning the Suez Canal, and political memoirs. The central historical question is whether those initiatives and positions could have supported an agreed settlement.Book or article

Who it suits
Researchers and students. An academic article in English, by someone who was inside the discussion at the time.

Find this work

Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 32, no. 1, January 1997, pp. 97–115.

The article is available from SAGE, to buy or through an academic library.

2000

The Genesis of the US–Israeli Military-Strategic Relationship and the Dimona Issue

The beginnings of the strategic relationship with the United States and the Dimona issue

The question
How was the US–Israeli security alliance born, and what part did the Dimona question play?

Get it:ReadAbstract and article access · SAGE ↗

About the work, and how to get it

Gazit examines the emerging defence relationship under Kennedy through regional arms balance, assurances of support, and contacts between military officials. He highlights a meeting involving Yitzhak Rabin ten days before Kennedy’s assassination, and asks whether concerns about Dimona shaped the development of American–Israeli defence ties.Book or article

Who it suits
Anyone interested in the roots of the alliance with the United States. An academic article, by someone who was there at the time.

Find this work

Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 35, no. 3, July 2000, pp. 413–422.

The abstract is public. Full-text options include institutional access or paid access through the publisher.

An invitation to read the originalsA selection of the books and articles he wrote, with links to where they can be read or borrowed.