March 1975 · Jerusalem

“Too sensible”: in Kissinger’s shuttle

Mordechai (Motke) Gazit, 1922‎–‎2016: a fighter in 1948, a diplomat, Director-General of the Prime Minister’s Office and ambassador to France. Meet him in five minutes →

Historical context and questions to explore

March 1975. Kissinger is back in the region to secure a second interim agreement with Egypt, and this time the gaps are deep. Egypt wants the oil fields and the Mitla and Gidi passes, the two mountain passes in western Sinai that command the roads to the canal. Israel wants a clear commitment to non-belligerency, that is, an end to the state of war between the two countries.

On 22 March the shuttle failed, and the United States announced a “reassessment” of its policy toward Israel, in practice freezing new arms deals.

Why it mattered. The “reassessment” was one of the gravest crises between the two countries. Six months later the interim agreement was signed nonetheless, laying foundations on which peace with Egypt was built.

A question to think about

How do you keep hold of every text, know exactly what is on the table, and prepare the cabinet for a decision as American pressure mounts day by day?

Why it was hard. The passes were an important line of defence and the oil a source of energy, set against an Egyptian commitment that might amount to words alone. The gap between what each side could give and what it demanded was wide.

His part: In Kissinger’s shuttle of March 1975 Gazit was the one holding the texts and the facts for the Israeli team.

In March 1975, between ’s two White House visits, shuttled between Jerusalem and Aswan in pursuit of a second interim agreement between Israel and Egypt. Gazit sat on the Israeli negotiating team alongside Rabin, , , Ambassador , Chief of Staff Mordechai Gur and Foreign Ministry Director-General . The memoranda of those meetings, held at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library, show him as the keeper of the texts and the facts.

On 14 March, when Kissinger reported that was willing to let American firms in despite the Arab boycott, Gazit noted that it would be on a selective basis only: “Because out of 20, he could admit only two. The blacklist remains.” At the same meeting, having given up on agreeing language with for the clause on renewing the UN force, Kissinger said: “Maybe Gazit can work out something.”

On the morning of 19 March, at the Prime Minister’s Residence, Rabin opened with a question: “Do we have all the formulations, Gazit?” — “Yes, we have it,” he replied. When Dinitz mentioned President ’s letter, Gazit supplied the date at once: July 1971.

At the same meeting Kissinger recounted telling Egypt’s Foreign Minister, Ismail Fahmy, that Gazit could draft the clause; Fahmy, he said, replied that Gazit was “too sensible” and that it had to be the legal adviser, . The room laughed.

told Gazit it was a real compliment, and Allon added that when you get a compliment from Fahmy, you had better think again. To see why the room laughed, remember who was speaking. Egypt’s foreign minister, the other side of the table, called the Israeli diplomat “too sensible”, moderate and reasonable.

So he asked that the text be written instead by the delegation’s exacting lawyer. A compliment from the opponent, wrapped in a jab.

On 20 March — the morning Kissinger read to the Israeli team the stern statement on a “reassessment” of U.S. policy — Gazit handed Allon the draft of the non-use-of-force clause. When Kissinger remarked that the phrase “in the relations between themselves” had provoked an uproar from Fahmy, Gazit answered: “No. Take it out.”

At the end of the discussion Rabin asked: “Let Gazit and Simcha work to prepare ourselves for the Cabinet meeting.” By the evening meeting, a revised text was on the table.

In the last days of the round the same picture recurs. When Kissinger asked whether the armistice agreements had lasted 19 years, Gazit corrected him: “Eighteen.” The armistice agreements were signed in 1949 and held until the Six-Day War in 1967, eighteen years exactly.

A one-word correction, but it shows his place on the team: the one who remembered the dates and figures, in a room where every word was recorded. When Rabin said he was not offering a legal formula, Kissinger replied: “Gazit will do that.”

And when the discussion turned to how to announce the suspension of the talks, he advised that it be done in person. Gazit also sat in the final meeting, on the evening of 22 March in the Prime Minister’s office, where the shuttle was suspended.

The memorandum records that as the group rose from the table, one of those present said: “It is a Greek tragedy.” Kissinger replied that this was what made it worse — each side, following the laws of its own nature, had reached an outcome that was perfectly foreseeable. Talks resumed that summer and led to the interim agreement signed in September.

Eight days later, on 30 March, a “Top Secret” cable left Jerusalem for Washington carrying Rabin’s reply to . Rabin wrote that he shared the disappointment at the failure of the talks, that Israel had offered to withdraw from the passes and the oil fields, and that it remained ready to persist in the effort to reach an agreement with Egypt. The cable is signed with Gazit’s name.

After the shuttle was suspended, the team he headed went on preparing the next stage. Its working binder at the State Archives (A-4183/10) holds a six-page paper of 25 May 1975, “Proposal for a comprehensive settlement (which is not a peace agreement) with all the neighbouring states”.

The slip attached to it reads: “The draft was written by: M. Gazit (not yet discussed in the team)”. The paper opens: “Were it possible to achieve full and genuine peace with the Arab states at the present stage, Israel would, as is known, be prepared to go very far on the question of the territories.”

Its first premise: “Peace with the Arab states will be achieved gradually” (site translations).

Explore the documents and connections
From the original memorandum · Jerusalem, 14 March 1975

Kissinger: On the boycott, he IS prepared to change the boycott. […] But he will let American firms in.

Gazit: On a selective basis.

Sisco: Correct.

Gazit: That is not so good. Not so very good.

Kissinger: Why?

Gazit: Because out of 20, he could admit only two. The blacklist remains.

Open the scanned document ↗

From the original memorandum · Jerusalem, 19 March 1975

Rabin: Do we have all the formulations, Gazit?

Gazit: Yes, we have it.

Kissinger: Fahmy said this has to be drafted by Rosenne. I said Gazit could have done it. He said no, Gazit is too sensible; it has to be Rosenne. [Laughter]

Sisco: [to Gazit] You have a real compliment.

Allon: [to Gazit] When you get a compliment from Fahmy, you’d better think again. [Laughter]

Open the scanned document ↗

From the original memorandum · Jerusalem, 20 March 1975

Kissinger: The phrase "in the relations between themselves" produced an uproar from Fahmy.

Allon: Wasn’t that in there before?

Gazit: No. Take it out.

Rabin: Let Gazit and Simcha work to prepare ourselves for the Cabinet meeting.

Open the scanned document ↗

Sources and reading notes (7)

The lead source

Memorandum of conversation: Kissinger and the Israeli negotiating team, 19 March 1975 ↗

Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library, Kissinger Reports, Box 4, Kissinger’s trip, March 1975. Prime Minister’s Residence, Jerusalem, 8:45–10:20 a.m. Includes the exchanges on the formulations, the Nixon letter and “too sensible”.

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